首页> 外文OA文献 >'en Todas Las Dictaduras Siempre Hay Espacios De Resistencia Frente A La Opresión'. The Action Of The Movements For Amnesty And The Control And Supervision Of The Civil And Military Regime (1975-1983) ['en Todas Las Dictaduras Siempre Hay Espacios De Resistencia Frente A La Opresión'. A Atuação Dos Movimentos Pela Anistia E O Controle E Vigilância Do Regime Civil-militar (1975-1983)]
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'en Todas Las Dictaduras Siempre Hay Espacios De Resistencia Frente A La Opresión'. The Action Of The Movements For Amnesty And The Control And Supervision Of The Civil And Military Regime (1975-1983) ['en Todas Las Dictaduras Siempre Hay Espacios De Resistencia Frente A La Opresión'. A Atuação Dos Movimentos Pela Anistia E O Controle E Vigilância Do Regime Civil-militar (1975-1983)]

机译:“在所有独裁政权中总有抵抗压迫的空间”。大赦运动的行动以及对民事和军事制度的控制和监督(1975-1983年)[“在所有专政中总有抵抗压迫的空间”。 AAtuaçãoDos Movimentos Pela Anistia E O Controle EVigilânciaDo Regime民兵(1975-1983)]

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摘要

The aim of this paper is to analyze the surveillance and control of the information security and the amnesty movement community within the called political détente. This is because the demands of those entities, particularly the Female Movement for Amnesty (MFPA) and the Brazilian Amnesty Committee (CBA), which were concentrated in the most sensitive issues for the regime even in times of political openness. By publicly denouncing, in Brazil and abroad, the crimes of dictatorship; and to demand the dismantling of the repressive apparatus besides the end of discretionary laws, these movements not only reached the high ranking military committed to an opening that was slow, gradual and safe, but also sectors within the military, clearly dissatisfied with the mobilization performance of the organized civilian opposition at that time. In this context, the movements' struggle for amnesty corroborated, in the perspective of the military, the need to establish tight surveillance on opponents or potential opponents of the regime. The analysis of the relationship between state surveillance and the performance of the amnesty movement must take into account, therefore, limits of the so called slow, gradual and safe opening practices that often seem to continue after the previous period, and bring up dissension within the Armed Forces and the mobilizing performance and ability of entities in the struggle for amnesty. We used documents from.
机译:本文的目的是分析所谓的政治缓和中对信息安全和特赦运动社区的监视和控制。这是因为这些实体的要求,特别是大赦女性运动(MFPA)和巴西大赦委员会(CBA)的要求,即使在政治开放时期也集中在该政权最敏感的问题上。在巴西和国外公开谴责独裁罪;并要求拆除自由裁量权法之外的镇压设备,这些运动不仅达到了承诺开放缓慢,渐进和安全的高级军事力量,而且还达到了明显对动员表现不满意的军事领域当时有组织的平民反对派。在这种情况下,从军事角度来说,这些运动为大赦而进行的斗争证实了有必要对政权的对手或潜在对手进行严密监视。因此,必须分析国家监视与大赦运动之间的关系,以限制所谓的缓慢,渐进和安全的开放做法的局限性,这些做法往往在前一时期之后仍在继续,并引起了内部的分歧。武装部队以及各实体在争取大赦的斗争中的表现和能力。我们使用了来自的文件。

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    De Almeida Resende P.;

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